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約翰遜辭職,保守黨內(nèi)繼任者角逐或引發(fā)政策極化
原創(chuàng) 深度分析 上海美國(guó)研究
▲最有可能接替約翰遜的候選人。左起:卓慧思、杰里米·亨特、里?!ぬK納克和賈偉德/via PA Images & Getty Images2022年7月7日,英國(guó)首相鮑里斯·約翰遜(Boris Johnson)迫于黨內(nèi)壓力,最終決定辭去保守黨黨首職務(wù),但他表示,在選出新黨首之前,他將繼續(xù)擔(dān)任英國(guó)首相。在英國(guó)的議會(huì)制下,不可能很快舉行大選,英國(guó)下一任黨首的最終選擇權(quán)將留給大約18萬名保守黨成員。選舉的第一階段將從358名保守黨議員投票開始,將最終的候選人名單縮小到兩人。第二階段再由大約18萬名繳納會(huì)費(fèi)的保守黨成員投票選舉下一任黨首。競(jìng)選名單正在不斷增加,大臣、前大臣和資深議員都在爭(zhēng)奪約翰遜離開后留下的黨首和首相職位。提名需等到“1922委員會(huì)”確定規(guī)則之后開始,但熱門人選已經(jīng)迫不及待提出自己的政綱,對(duì)華政策也將成為重要看點(diǎn)。
一、主要潛在候選人
截止7月10日,已有11人宣布加入選戰(zhàn),其中有“辭職潮”中先后離任的內(nèi)閣大臣,如前衛(wèi)生大臣薩義德·賈維德(Sajid Javid,中文名:賈偉德)、前財(cái)政大臣里?!ぬK納克(Rishi Sunak)、前教育大臣納迪姆·扎哈維(Nadhim Zahawi)、前平等大臣凱米·巴德諾赫(Kemi Badenoch)。他們都公開反對(duì)約翰遜繼續(xù)擔(dān)任首相。其中,賈偉德是第一個(gè)辭職的內(nèi)閣大臣,提出“問題出自最高層”,并質(zhì)疑首相的“誠(chéng)實(shí)”品質(zhì);蘇納克也很快響應(yīng)了賈偉德的辭職,在辭職信中他表示是辭職為了建立一個(gè)“合理、具競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力和嚴(yán)肅運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的政府”,并公開宣布參選;盡管扎哈維曾在蘇納克辭職后短暫擔(dān)任財(cái)政大臣,但旋即辭去,并響應(yīng)公眾要求約翰遜下臺(tái)的呼聲【1】。
也有保守黨后座議員,包括外交事務(wù)專責(zé)委員會(huì)主席湯姆·圖根哈特(Tom Tugendhat,中文名:董勤達(dá))、衛(wèi)生與社會(huì)保健專責(zé)委員會(huì)主席杰里米·亨特(Jeremy Hunt)和名不見經(jīng)傳的拉赫曼·奇什蒂(Rehman Chishti)。董勤達(dá)是最先表示約翰遜辭職后將競(jìng)選黨首的議員之一;亨特則曾在2019年保守黨最后一輪黨首選舉中與約翰遜分庭抗禮,但在失利后退居后座,也表示愿意為了“更換國(guó)家的領(lǐng)袖”盡力【2】。奇什蒂希望以“局外人”的身份為英國(guó)提供一個(gè)“全新開始”(fresh start)。
此外,約翰遜政府內(nèi)的內(nèi)閣大臣們也躍躍欲試,包括外交大臣麗茲·特拉斯(Liz Truss,中文名:卓慧思)、國(guó)際貿(mào)易政策大臣彭妮·莫當(dāng)特(Penny Mordaunt)、交通大臣格蘭特·沙普斯(Grant Shapps)和英格蘭及威爾士總檢察長(zhǎng)蘇埃拉·布雷弗曼(Suella Braverman)都宣布參選。但這些人立場(chǎng)的共同點(diǎn)是,始終沒有公開反對(duì)過約翰遜。
二、候選人面臨三重壓力
此次黨首選舉對(duì)保守黨而言至關(guān)重要,新任黨首的候選人們將同時(shí)面臨黨內(nèi)力量、國(guó)內(nèi)政策和對(duì)外政策等三個(gè)層面上的壓力。如何就現(xiàn)有議題,提出自身的政策主張,進(jìn)而動(dòng)員多數(shù)議員的支持,是每一個(gè)候選人要思考的問題。
首先,加劇的民粹思潮正在深刻重塑保守黨內(nèi)的力量格局。2019年,憑借民粹主義動(dòng)員和強(qiáng)硬脫歐立場(chǎng),約翰遜領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的保守黨從工黨傳統(tǒng)勢(shì)力范圍、中北部工業(yè)區(qū)搶走了大量工人的選票,但新議員的涌入加劇了黨內(nèi)立場(chǎng)張力【3】。具體而言,目前保守黨內(nèi)基本可以分為三股力量,一是2019年從工業(yè)區(qū)“紅墻”(red wall)地帶流入的議員;二是持傳統(tǒng)溫和立場(chǎng)的議員,以審慎保守的財(cái)政政策、鷹派的對(duì)外政策和自由放任的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)立場(chǎng)為特征,代表組織是保守黨內(nèi)的“一國(guó)黨”黨團(tuán)(One Nation Conservatives caucus);三是憑借民粹主義方式動(dòng)員選民上臺(tái)的議員,他們往往崇尚威權(quán)政治領(lǐng)袖,主張強(qiáng)硬脫歐【4】。
進(jìn)入2022年,約翰遜政府飄忽不定的政策規(guī)劃、不顧規(guī)則和他人意見獨(dú)斷專行的施政風(fēng)格、以及與其他工作人員違反防疫規(guī)定在唐寧街10號(hào)聚會(huì)的“派對(duì)門”丑聞等問題,更加劇了保守黨內(nèi)就其權(quán)力范圍和合法性的爭(zhēng)議,惡化了派別間的分歧【5】。持傳統(tǒng)立場(chǎng)的議員堅(jiān)持主張內(nèi)閣權(quán)力來自議會(huì)多數(shù),約翰遜如果被投票不信任就該辭職;而具民粹傾向的強(qiáng)硬脫歐派議員則認(rèn)為,約翰遜的權(quán)力來自2019年大選中保守黨選民的集體意愿,黨內(nèi)議員無權(quán)趕其下臺(tái),盡管最終不信任投票動(dòng)議沒有通過,仍然暴露了多方之間的立場(chǎng)裂痕【6】。由于三方間的政策觀點(diǎn)又有交叉,對(duì)繼任黨首而言,彌合彼此的立場(chǎng)差距殊為不易。
其次,保守黨的國(guó)內(nèi)支持情況已接近2019年大選以來的最差局面。民調(diào)顯示,2022年6月英國(guó)公眾對(duì)保守黨的支持率已跌至30%左右,且收入、教育水平不同、脫歐立場(chǎng)各異群體的支持率全面下降【7】。支持率的下滑又離不開經(jīng)濟(jì)、疫情和脫歐等問題上政府的糟糕表現(xiàn)。經(jīng)濟(jì)問題上,今秋英國(guó)的通貨膨脹預(yù)計(jì)達(dá)到11%,國(guó)際貨幣基金組織對(duì)2022和2023年英國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的預(yù)期進(jìn)一步下調(diào),為七國(guó)集團(tuán)中增長(zhǎng)最低水平【8】。Omicron BA.4和Omicron BA.5等兩個(gè)新毒株快速傳播,導(dǎo)致新冠疫情繼續(xù)在國(guó)內(nèi)擴(kuò)散,感染病例數(shù)以每周超過200萬的速度增長(zhǎng),醫(yī)療資源更加窘迫【9】。脫歐進(jìn)展遲緩,單邊宣布修改與歐盟達(dá)成“北愛爾蘭議定書”內(nèi)容的議案,不僅受到歐盟的訴訟威脅,更可能激起黨內(nèi)擁護(hù)自由貿(mào)易傳統(tǒng)派議員的反水【10】。約翰遜聲稱在脫歐后要打造“泰晤士河上的新加坡”,以放松監(jiān)管、自由貿(mào)易、低稅收獲得經(jīng)濟(jì)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì),但實(shí)踐中卻因?yàn)橐咔椴粩鄶U(kuò)大公共部門開支,為了平衡財(cái)政而不斷加稅,最終導(dǎo)致蘇納克在辭職信中表露心聲,說他與約翰遜對(duì)于財(cái)政紀(jì)律要求的理解“基本完全不同”【11】。因此,即使約翰遜立刻辭職,如何恢復(fù)保守黨在上一次大選時(shí)超過40%的得票率、為下一次大選做好準(zhǔn)備,仍然對(duì)下任黨首造成嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn)。
最后,在對(duì)外政策議題上,俄烏沖突與對(duì)美關(guān)系的現(xiàn)存立場(chǎng)大概率仍將延續(xù),而對(duì)華關(guān)系則難以在短時(shí)間內(nèi)得到改善。由于約翰遜與前任美國(guó)總統(tǒng)特朗普的密切個(gè)人關(guān)系、相近的民粹主義施政風(fēng)格與后者在脫歐問題上的支持,拜登政府不一定會(huì)反對(duì)英國(guó)更換領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,并寄希望于通過新首相妥善解決北愛爾蘭地區(qū)和歐盟的商貿(mào)關(guān)系問題【12】。另一方面,英國(guó)兩黨已經(jīng)在支持烏克蘭問題上達(dá)成了共識(shí),短時(shí)間內(nèi)很難動(dòng)搖。美英在建立跨大西洋共同體關(guān)系、加強(qiáng)貿(mào)易合作與遏制通脹、共同對(duì)抗俄羅斯與加大對(duì)華競(jìng)爭(zhēng)等方面仍需攜手合作,這些結(jié)構(gòu)性問題的存在遠(yuǎn)比領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的個(gè)人特質(zhì)重要得多【13】。
進(jìn)一步而言,只要英國(guó)仍然將自己定位在追隨美國(guó)的盟友位置,約翰遜政府時(shí)期對(duì)華“政冷經(jīng)熱”的關(guān)系就將持續(xù)。在政治問題上,延續(xù)對(duì)華采取強(qiáng)硬立場(chǎng)的議會(huì)要求,新黨首很有可能會(huì)繼續(xù)標(biāo)榜所謂的“民主”價(jià)值觀外交,干涉香港和新疆事務(wù),試圖將臺(tái)灣問題和俄烏沖突混為一談,在澳英美安全聯(lián)盟(AUKUS)和英日《互惠準(zhǔn)入?yún)f(xié)定》(Reciprocal Access Agreement)基礎(chǔ)上繼續(xù)加深與盟國(guó)的軍事安全合作,甚至不乏進(jìn)一步出臺(tái)打壓對(duì)抗政策的可能【14】。而在經(jīng)濟(jì)問題上,2021年,中國(guó)是英國(guó)的第三大貿(mào)易伙伴和第一大貨物進(jìn)口來源國(guó),在“脫歐”和疫情壓力下,英國(guó)對(duì)中國(guó)的貿(mào)易依賴更加明顯,兩國(guó)在金融、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、制造、新能源、汽車、醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生和數(shù)字經(jīng)濟(jì)等產(chǎn)業(yè)內(nèi)的合作潛力巨大【15】。
▲7月6日,美國(guó)聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局(FBI)局長(zhǎng)克里斯托弗·雷(Christopher Wray)和英國(guó)情報(bào)部門軍情五處(MI5)處長(zhǎng)肯·麥卡勒姆(Ken McCallum)當(dāng)天在英國(guó)倫敦首度公開聯(lián)合露面,就“來自中國(guó)的威脅”向商界和學(xué)術(shù)界領(lǐng)袖發(fā)表講話。三、候選人立場(chǎng)極化風(fēng)險(xiǎn)上升
綜合上述三個(gè)方面,議員們?cè)谶x舉新任黨首時(shí),既會(huì)權(quán)衡候選人在黨內(nèi)能獲得的支持多寡,即能否最終獲得多數(shù)選票;也會(huì)考慮其政策主張與本選區(qū)選民立場(chǎng)的接近程度,即是否很好回應(yīng)了選民訴求。就黨內(nèi)支持多寡而言,曾公開反對(duì)約翰遜的議員可能會(huì)失去其支持者的選票,包括戈夫、扎哈維和蘇納克等。特別是賈偉德,盡管他得到了黨內(nèi)依賴草根力量議員的支持,但他率先辭職并炮轟約翰遜的誠(chéng)實(shí)問題,這方面的壓力尤其大【16】。同時(shí),后座議員亨特也長(zhǎng)期反對(duì)約翰遜。前者不斷突出自己傳統(tǒng)保守黨議員的中右立場(chǎng)和溫和穩(wěn)定的政策風(fēng)格等特征,極力拉大和約翰遜的立場(chǎng)差距【17】。
就政策立場(chǎng)遠(yuǎn)近而言,一方面,候選人為了確保黨內(nèi)部分派系的支持,很可能提出更加激進(jìn)的政策主張,無論是在經(jīng)濟(jì)、疫情和脫歐等內(nèi)政議題還是俄烏沖突、對(duì)華政策等外交議題上,都存在政策進(jìn)一步極化的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。在脫歐問題上,在2016年公投中就是強(qiáng)硬脫歐派的蘇納克、布雷弗曼和莫當(dāng)特等或會(huì)進(jìn)一步突出自身堅(jiān)持脫歐的決心,先支持留歐但迅速轉(zhuǎn)向支持脫歐的卓慧思也會(huì)放大自身長(zhǎng)期領(lǐng)導(dǎo)對(duì)歐盟貿(mào)易談判的“功績(jī)”【18】。在經(jīng)濟(jì)議題上,蘇納克在疫情期間長(zhǎng)期負(fù)責(zé)為企業(yè)和個(gè)人發(fā)放補(bǔ)助,雖然這種干預(yù)政策受到了部分傳統(tǒng)保守黨議員的質(zhì)疑,但仍然獲得了選民青睞。不過,蘇納克近期被參與“派對(duì)門”、妻子逃稅、大臣任期內(nèi)持有美國(guó)綠卡等丑聞圍繞,社會(huì)聲譽(yù)嚴(yán)重受損【19】。在疫情議題上,扎哈維曾經(jīng)在任疫苗大臣期間成功推廣了疫苗接種項(xiàng)目,具有一定的影響力【20】。在俄烏沖突問題上,特拉斯因堅(jiān)定主張對(duì)俄制裁的“鷹派”立場(chǎng)加分不少【21】。
在對(duì)華關(guān)系議題上,新任黨首獲將把對(duì)華強(qiáng)硬作為競(jìng)爭(zhēng)“賣點(diǎn)”,但長(zhǎng)期而言中英關(guān)系仍有望回到務(wù)實(shí)談判的軌道。目前,立場(chǎng)較為突出的議員有蘇納克、賈偉德和董勤達(dá)等?!傍澟伞碧K納克長(zhǎng)期主張放松對(duì)華外交壓力,以換取一個(gè)更加良好的經(jīng)貿(mào)環(huán)境。2022年1月底,蘇納克和中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院副總理胡春華通電,推動(dòng)重啟中英經(jīng)濟(jì)財(cái)金對(duì)話,還在其他場(chǎng)合公開鼓勵(lì)英國(guó)金融企業(yè)在中國(guó)投資經(jīng)營(yíng)【22】。有消息稱,他新近和約翰遜合作阻止了內(nèi)閣正式出臺(tái)一項(xiàng)所謂的“中國(guó)戰(zhàn)略”【23】。
▲6月28日,外交大臣卓慧思(中)、常務(wù)次官菲利普·巴頓(左)和經(jīng)濟(jì)、科學(xué)和技術(shù)主任庫馬爾?伊耶(右)出席英國(guó)下議院外交事務(wù)委員會(huì)聽證會(huì),卓慧思用了8分鐘大談所謂“中國(guó)戰(zhàn)略”。與之相反,“鷹派”賈偉德則在對(duì)華關(guān)系上持有更加強(qiáng)硬的立場(chǎng),在任衛(wèi)生大臣期間,曾支持政府公共醫(yī)療部門拒絕采購(gòu)新疆產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品材料【24】。同為“鷹派”的董勤達(dá)認(rèn)為約翰遜的對(duì)華立場(chǎng)不夠堅(jiān)定,也長(zhǎng)期批評(píng)約翰遜政府的對(duì)外政策【25】。除此之外,后座議員亨特也值得關(guān)注。亨特的妻子露西亞·郭(Lucia Guo)來自中國(guó)西安;本人也曾作為外交大臣在2018年來到北京,與中國(guó)外交部部長(zhǎng)王毅舉行第九次中英戰(zhàn)略對(duì)話,支持雙方共同打造中英關(guān)系“黃金時(shí)代”【26】。
另一方面,保守黨也可能選擇一個(gè)更能彌合黨內(nèi)派別裂痕的人選,但其發(fā)揮的作用是否局限在過渡性角色,仍未可知。例如,莫當(dāng)特在2016年公投中就支持脫歐,是“一國(guó)黨”黨團(tuán)的成員,也沒有在公開場(chǎng)合攻擊約翰遜,相對(duì)而言容易為各方所接受【27】。她的整體政策立場(chǎng)相對(duì)務(wù)實(shí),曾在皇家海軍預(yù)備役服役并在2020年擔(dān)任國(guó)防大臣,又長(zhǎng)期參與和美國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)各州的貿(mào)易協(xié)定談判,具有豐富的軍事和外交經(jīng)驗(yàn)【28】。假如最終是她上臺(tái),或?qū)橹杏㈥P(guān)系良性發(fā)展提供轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)。
作者簡(jiǎn)介:
倪梟澤:上海市美國(guó)問題研究所研究助理
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原標(biāo)題:《約翰遜辭職,保守黨內(nèi)繼任者角逐或引發(fā)政策極化》
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